Over 100 civil society organisations, including Third World Network, wrote to the Norwegian Prime Minister and authorities last month expressing concern about the positions taken by Norwegian diplomats in the on-going negotiations in Geneva on Pathogen Access and Benefit Sharing System (PABS). Norway’s Secretary of State for Health Usman Mushtaq responded to these concerns in his comments to Development Today.

The short-lived Gaza Humanitarian Foundation bypassed multilateral coordination, recasting aid as a market-driven service rather than a rights-based obligation. Now the “Board of Peace” extends this logic from humanitarian aid to peace itself and threatens to undermine and reshape international public law. Maria del Mar Logroño Narbona writes.

Current donor cuts “may serve to nudge us towards a more sustainable model,” based on locally led development and global peer-to-peer cooperation, writes Alfred Hannig, CEO of the Alliance for Financial Inclusion. Such changes are already underway as developing countries become less dependent on aid, but there is still a role for Western donors in the poorest nations.

Economists Max Matthey and Aidan Hollis are among the foremost critics of the Tropical Forest Forever Facility (TFFF), launched by Brazil at COP30 and supported with USD 3 billion by the government of Norway. They argue that the fund as it is currently structured will not generate the promised resources for forest countries, and they say that Norway is uniquely positioned to guide the mechanism toward a more stable, transparent, and credible design.

The Swedish government has embraced the International Court of Justice’s opinion on Israeli obligations to provide aid to Palestinians but persists in its policy of cutting off funds to UNRWA, based on a vacuous argument. Johan Schaar explores the domestic political roots of Sweden’s contradictory stance.

On the eve of COP30, a former Zimbabwean climate negotiator offers sober reflections on climate summits past and a plea that COP30 in Belém will deliver something different. “This continuous game of promises, pledges, hopes, and opportunities, dashed at the very last minute, begin to paint a concerning picture of our global climate architecture,” writes Natalie Mangondo.

Why the United Kingdom should pledge at least GBP 1 billion  - USD 1.3 billion - toward the Global Fund replenishment. An op-ed by Mike Podmore, CEO of STOPAIDS, and Sibulele Sibaca Nomnganga, CEO of South African social enterprise Impact Drivers.

Within a few months, the COP30 climate summit will take place in the city of Belém in Brazil. One of the main issues on the agenda in November will be the plans for nationally determined contributions (NDCs), which play a key role in the Paris Agreement. Researchers at the Danish Institute for International Studies (DIIS) Ole Winkler Andersen and Rasmus Hundsbæk Pedersen argue that it all comes down to climate finance.

In the second of two articles, the Gates Foundation’s Obinna Onyekwena argues that for Africa, the “clean energy transition” brings both heavy human costs and new forms of dependency. Countries like Nigeria must pursue a more pragmatic approach, anchored in gas as a strategic bridge fuel, to drive industrialization, reduce energy poverty, and avoid replicating colonial patterns of technology dependency. Onyekwena writes in his personal capacity.

African policymakers must confront the reality that energy transition models exported from Europe and the United States are shaped by their strategic interests - not ours. These models rest on double standards and risk perpetuating the continent’s underdevelopment. “We must deconstruct the narratives being sold to us. Priorities must be our own, ruthlessly focused on guaranteeing accelerated development,” says the Gates Foundation’s Obinna Onyekwena, writing in his personal capacity. This is the first of two articles.

High debt burdens, tax abuse and aid cuts are threatening the future of billions of people. Ahead of the financing summit in Seville this summer, four Nordic organisations call on Nordic governments to push for deep and rapid debt cancellation for Africa.  

Following a two-month-long Israeli blockage of relief from entering Gaza, the new private initiative Gaza Humanitarian Foundation is preparing to launch. It is designed not as a complement to existing delivery systems, María del Mar Logroño Narbona at ARDD writes, but as a replacement architecture, one that deliberately bypasses multilateral coordination and undermines the very foundation upon which global humanitarian action is built.

Bees are speaking to us - not with sound, but through their presence, their absence, and their steady disappearance. Silent architects of our agrifood systems, champions of biodiversity, the pollinators are under pressure, Yurdi Yasmi at FAO writes.

The closure of USAID and other aid cuts are not anomalies to be fixed, but symptoms of a model that has reached its limits. As the global health sector moves towards country-led approaches, Africa and the donors must establish a new balance of power and responsibility, Nadia Yakhelef at the Africa Centers for Disease Control and Tom Drake at the Center for Global Development write.

Smallholder farmers - many of them women - grow most of the food consumed in South Asia and sub-Saharan Africa. They must be front and centre in locally led solutions for addressing climate change and bolstering food security. This article is written by Asif Saleh, Executive Director of BRAC, and Denmark’s Climate Ambassador Ole Thonke.

Aid in the Global South - and in Africa, in particular - has at times functioned as a mechanism of control, entrenching asymmetries under the guise of assistance. Now is the time for an unwavering commitment to shift power. Obinna Onyekwena, Deputy Director at the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, writes in his personal capacity.

The geopolitical vandalism of Trump II could have the unintended consequence of prompting low and middle-income countries, under duress, to liberate themselves from much of their long-running dependence on external financiers. Olusoji Adeyi writes.

Following the suspension of US foreign aid, the obvious expectation is that the European Union would step in to fill the void. But the levelling down of aid in country after country places huge constraints. This is a moment of reckoning for Europe’s approach to rights-based development assistance, writes Mar Logrono.

Two scholars challenge Development Minister Benjamin Dousa’s claim that other humanitarian agencies can replace services provided by UNRWA. “Palestinians in Gaza are the most immediate victims of Sweden’s decision - including almost 300,000 children who depend on UNRWA for their education,” write Jo Kelcey and Anne Irfan.

Civil society is calling for a new UN convention on development that will take over the power to decide what can qualify as official development assistance. Currently, this is controlled by the OECD’s Development Assistance Committee (DAC). Salvatore Nocerino at Oxfam argues that the change will give the DAC “a unique opportunity to leverage” its expertise to serve both new and old donors in areas like donor coordination, best practice, and statistics.

The World Health Organization (WHO) concluded its first ever “investment round” at the G20 leaders’ summit in Brazil last week raising only half of its target. Part of the reason for the disappointing result is that it used a fundraising approach that is ill-suited to a normative organization like WHO, Antoine de Bengy Puyvallée and Katerini Storeng write.

Though it is the third-largest contributor to global warming among greenhouse gases and has a warming potential 270 times greater than CO2, nitrous oxide receives little attention. With fertilizers and manure as the principle sources, Kaveh Zahedi at FAO writes that solutions for drastically reducing nitrous oxide emissions are readily available.

As negotiations over new climate finance targets get underway, former Sida official Göran Holmqvist proposes a few simple guidelines to avoid the dishonest double counting that pervades the current system.

Poor countries are largely shut out of the world’s largest marketplace, and they do not have the option of hedging against currency risk. This hampers green investments, causes economic agony, and is the biggest single driver of debt distress, writes Sony Kapoor, Professor of Climate, Geoeconomics, and Finance at the European University Institute. He calls for the Nordic countries to take part in a capital extension for TCX, a unique DFI that does currency hedging where no such market exists.

The proposed conservative roadmap Project 2025 aims not only to drastically reshape the US federal government in an authoritarian direction. If implemented, it would affect other donors’ support for the UN system and human rights, including sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR). It is time for Nordic governments to come up with a crisis plan, Sara Österlund at the Swedish Association for Sexuality Education (RFSU) writes.

Sida’s sudden decision to terminate multi-year agreements with 17 Swedish CSOs and put in place a completely new funding regime has left people in Sweden and around the world wondering what really is going on. Is this the dawn of a new era of direct funding to the Global South or a “move fast and break things” approach aimed principally at causing disruption? British anthropologist David Lewis reflects.

Global health institutions, controlled by a small group of countries and private foundations, have a fundamental design flaw and they are not fit for purpose. Olusoji Adeyi of Johns Hopkins and Justice Nonvignon of African CDC offer a prescription for donors.

The new OECD rules on reporting private sector aid reflect efforts driven largely by finance ministries in donor countries to score ODA without budgetary outlays. Stephen Cutts warns this will trigger a gradual shift away from grants.

Development Today has invited to a debate on an important but also fairly technical issue: how should the instruments donors use to encourage and incentivise private sector investments in developing countries be reflected in aid statistics? Jon Lomøy argues for a more inclusive discussion.

Carsten Staur and Katrine Heggedal respond to Simon Scott’s critique of the OECD new rules on reporting private sector investments as ODA. They write: Scott raises important questions about ODA as an objective for aid performance, but he goes off track when he criticizes the new directives.

In a previous op-ed, the Chair of the OECD Development Assistance Committee (DAC) Carsten Staur and Chair of the DAC Working Party on Development Finance Statistics Katrine Heggedal argued that new rules on aid reporting will open the way for increased engagement with the private sector. Simon Scott, a former head of the Statistics on Development Finance Division of the OECD, strongly disagrees.

In an era marked by global crises and the urgent call to combat poverty, clear rules for ODA are critical. After a decade of work, new rules for reporting private sector investments are finally in place. OECD DAC Chair Carsten Staur and Chair of the DAC statistics committee Katrine Heggedal explain.

The new Norwegian guarantee scheme, which aims to provide support for green infrastructure in developing countries, heralds a shift to a new investment-based model of aid and climate finance. This will eat into official development assistance and increase indebtedness, Thea Sofie Rusten Grastveit, Political Advisor at Debt Justice Norway, Kathrine Sund-Henriksen, Secretary General of Norwegian Forum for Development and Environment, and Tess Woolfenden, Senior Policy and Research Officer, Debt Justice UK, write.

The Swedish government’s decision to halt Palestinian aid “plays into the hands of Hamas,” Erik Lysén at Act Church of Sweden writes. He argues that the move harms rights work and urges a re-think.

Costa Rican indigenous leader Levi Sucre Romero calls for action from Norway, financier of the ART forest carbon standard, on indigenous demands for justice and recognition of land rights. Romero writes that the carbon credit standard is in non-compliance with the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, and it could now “undermine all that has been achieved in Costa Rica by indigenous peoples and the government.”